India, May 16 -- The presidential reference is a rarely used constitutional tool; only 14 times since Independence has the President asked the top court of the land for its opinion, andthen too,only in high-profile instances such as the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute. Hence its deployment, in the context of the Supreme Court's landmark verdict fixing timelines for governors and the Presidentto clear state bills, only underlines the high stakes involved for the executive branch of government. President Droupadi Murmu has raised important issues of constitutional bounds and separation of powers in her 14 questions posed to the top court. Key among these are clarifications on the powers of the governor, her discretionary role, whether the powers of the presidential office are justiciable, and whether timelines can be imposed on Raj Bhavans and the Rashtrapati Bhavan in the absence of such a clause in the Constitution. There are three issues of note.First, the top court's April verdicton the timelinesexpanded the space for federalism against the backdrop of governors either sitting indefinitely on bills or referring these to the President even when the legislature had re-passed a bill and sent it back, especially in states not controlled by the BJP. The court's declaration that pocket veto by governors was not permissible counteracted the regrettable phenomenon of Raj Bhavans overstepping their constitutional bounds. The apex court and the presidential office must take note of this and ensure that political considerations don't become an impediment for governance. The court's timeline for governors in this regard only appears to be welcome. Two, the court's decision to extend the timeline discipline to Rashtrapati Bhavan raises some questions that will have to be carefully parsed. Can a state government take the President to court over not giving assent to a bill? And will the court be in a position to pass a verdict against Rashtrapati Bhavan? In this adjudication, primacy will have to be given to governance over politics and cooperation over obstruction, but without compromising the unique powers of the President. Neither the court nor the President should allow discretionary powers to be wielded as a political tool. Any movement in this regard will have a profound impact on federalism, judicial activism, and executive accountability. And three, the presidential reference itself raises the spectre of a crisis. If the top court decides to respond - it has declined only once, in the Ayodhya case - its opinion willbe non-binding, implying that the President or Parliament may choose to disregard it. But, such a development may risk a constitutional crisis and a confrontation between two branches of the government. All this could have been avoided if some Raj Bhavans were less obstructionist and acted in the spirit of the Constitution - or if the cart had stopped at Raj Bhavans....