India, Oct. 28 -- One outcome of a polarised polity is that the community that becomes the focal point of polarisation runs the risk of losing out on electoral representation. This is self-evident in Bihar, where the percentage of Muslim MLAs has always been less than the community's share in the state's population. Muslims constitute 16.9% of Bihar's population (2011 census and the 2023 caste survey), but the share of Muslim MLAs has swung between 6% and 12%. In absolute numbers, it peaked at 28 in the 1985 polls that the Congress won; the lowest was 16 in 2005, when the NDA won office for the first time. In 2020, the tally was 19, which may have influenced the seat distribution this time. Just 36 Muslim candidates have been fielded by the NDA and the Mahagathbandhan: The NDA has nominated just five Muslims and 31 are on Mahagathbandhan tickets. This pattern is not surprising. Parties lean towards their core constituencies in ticket distribution. The Mahagathbandhan, especially the RJD, draws its strength mostly from Muslims and Yadavs (M-Y). The party has 19 Muslim candidates, while its ally, the Congress, has fielded 10. The NDA, sensing low traction among Muslims, is appealing to the non-Muslim voter; in fact, the absence of Muslim candidates (the BJP has none) may amount to virtuous signalling in a divided polity. In contrast, the Mahagathbandhan, eager to expand beyond the M-Y axis, has sought to use the instrument of tickets to woo the extremely backward castes - the largesse to the Vikassheel Insaan Party confirms this outreach. The squeeze is predictably on Muslim ticket aspirants. The rise of the AIMIM, which has been aggressive in highlighting the electoral alienation of minorities, is an outcome of this politics. In the larger political schema, it does not address Muslim marginalisation; instead, it strengthens majoritarianism. The upshot is the trend of Muslim underrepresentation in the legislature - Bihar is not an exception - is likely to continue....