PURNIA/KATIHAR/KHAGARIA, March 15 -- The unease is evident on the face of Anita Kumari, a 45-year-old resident of Vidyarthi Tola in Bihar's Khagaria district, about 164 km east of Patna. Adjusting the pallu of her crimson sari over her head, she speaks with a mix of apprehension and disbelief. "Jeevika ka bharosa Nitish ji pe tha, (Jeevika had confidence in Nitish)" she says, referring to the millions of women associated with the state-backed self-help group network. "Ab hum sab anaath ho jayenge. (we will now become orphans)" Her concern reflects a wider sentiment triggered by Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar filing his nomination for the Rajya Sabha on March 5. Once elected to the Upper House, the move could mark the end of his nearly two-decade-long tenure as Bihar's chief minister and trigger a leadership transition in the state. For many women associated with the state's flagship livelihood programme, the development has created uncertainty about the future of welfare initiatives closely linked to Kumar's political legacy. Over the past two decades, Kumar has cultivated one of the most influential social constituencies in Bihar: women. The state today has around 16.4 million women organised into self-help groups under the Jeevika programme, implemented through the Bihar Rural Livelihoods Promotion Society (BRLPS) to promote financial inclusion and economic empowerment among rural women. Women also constitute a decisive electoral bloc in the state. Out of Bihar's 75.42 million voters, about 35.14 million are women, making them a powerful political constituency in a state with a population exceeding 130 million. Much of this support stems from policies introduced during Kumar's tenure that focused on women's education, economic independence and participation in governance. Soon after coming to power, the government introduced 50% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj institutions in 2006, a move later extended to urban local bodies. The decision dramatically increased the number of women holding elected positions in grassroots governance across Bihar. The administration also ensured greater representation of women in the workforce by reserving around half the seats in primary teacher recruitment and professional institutions. In 2016, the government introduced 35% reservation in government jobs for women domiciled in Bihar, further strengthening their presence in public employment. These measures collectively transformed women from passive beneficiaries of welfare schemes into active participants in governance and economic activity. Among the most visible initiatives introduced during Kumar's tenure was the Mukhyamantri Balika Cycle Yojana launched in 2006. The scheme provided financial assistance to schoolgirls to purchase bicycles, enabling them to travel to distant schools and significantly improving enrolment in secondary education. The programme was supplemented by free uniforms, scholarships and the expansion of plus-two schools, which together aimed at keeping girls in the education system for longer duration. Another major initiative came in 2018 with the launch of the Mukhyamantri Kanya Utthan Yojana. The scheme provides financial incentives to girls from birth until graduation, encouraging higher education and discouraging early marriage. In April 2016, Bihar also implemented total prohibition, a decision that came after sustained pressure from women's groups who argued that alcohol consumption was linked to domestic violence and social distress in rural households. These policies, over time, helped consolidate women as one of the most reliable support bases for Kumar's political leadership. At the centre of this transformation is the Jeevika programme, which mobilised millions of rural women into self-help groups engaged in agriculture, livestock rearing and small-scale enterprises. During his recent public outreach tour, Kumar announced expanded financial support for these groups under the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana, promising assistance of up to Rs.2 lakh to enable women to establish sustainable livelihoods. More than 10 million women have already received the first instalment of Rs.10,000, while many have applied for the second tranche of Rs.20,000. For women like Dayawati Kumari and Rekha Kumari of Vidyarthi Tola in Khagaria, the money has helped start small enterprises. "We invested the first Rs.10,000 in livestock and a stitching unit," they say, expressing concern about whether the remaining financial support will continue if Kumar steps down. "To us, Jeevika is synonymous with Nitish babu." Similar anxieties are visible in other districts. In Purnia, Sita Devi and Usha Devi have invested their initial instalment in livestock but remain uncertain about receiving further support once the political leadership changes. The concerns surfaced prominently during Kumar's latest statewide outreach campaign, the Samriddhi Yatra, held between March 10 and 14. Officially, the five-day tour was meant to review governance and announce new development initiatives. However, coming days after his Rajya Sabha nomination, many observers interpreted it as a possible swan song. At rallies across districts, Kumar reminded people of Bihar's condition before 2005 and contrasted it with the present, citing improvements in law and order, infrastructure development, road and bridge construction, power supply and services in health and education sectors. He also outlined future goals such as creating 10 million jobs and employment opportunities for youth over the next five years while strengthening women's financial independence through expanded support to self-help groups. Large numbers of women attended these rallies, underscoring their continuing political attachment to Kumar. Over time, Kumar's governance style - marked by frequent public outreach tours - has created high expectations among citizens, particularly women. During his Samriddhi Yatra in Purnia, several groups of women waited along the Purnia-Kasba road hoping to draw the chief minister's attention to their housing problems. Many of them were seeking assistance under the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana after losing roadside huts during anti-encroachment drives. "We have been living in huts along the road and were displaced during the district administration's anti-encroachment drive," said Chanda Kumari, a 20-year-old mother holding her two-month-old child as she waited in the sun to catch a glimpse of the chief minister. Such scenes reflect the sense of expectation surrounding Kumar's visits, with many citizens hoping that direct interaction might lead to relief. While women supporters worry about the future of welfare programmes, sections of the Muslim community appear disillusioned with Kumar's decision to move to national politics. Mohammad Yusuf, who runs a tractor repair shop in Katihar district, said he skipped the chief minister's rally despite living just a few kilometres away. "Bihar needed Kumar more than Delhi," he said, suggesting that the move could change the state's political balance. Md Khalique, a trader dealing in tractor spare parts near DS College in Katihar, expressed similar sentiments, saying the decision felt like a betrayal of the mandate. Others appear disengaged from the political debate. Mazar Alam, a 24-year-old graduate from the same district, said he had little interest in politics. For some minority residents, memories of past communal tensions continue to shape their anxieties about future political leadership in the state. Amid speculation over Bihar's political future, leaders within Kumar's party have publicly praised his leadership during the Samriddhi Yatra. State minister Leshi Singh became emotional while speaking about him at a rally in Purnia, while social welfare minister Madan Sahni described him as the enduring "hero of Bihar". Yet the most striking aspect of the unfolding political developments has been Kumar's own silence. Throughout the tour, he refrained from publicly addressing his Rajya Sabha nomination or clarifying his future political plans. The ambiguity has left party leaders, supporters and political observers guessing about the next phase of Bihar's politics - and whether the state is witnessing the beginning of a post-Nitish era. For millions of women whose social and economic mobility has been shaped by programmes associated with his leadership, the uncertainty is particularly profound. As Anita Kumari in Khagaria puts it quietly: "Jeevika ka bharosa Nitish ji pe tha."...