PATNA, Nov. 16 -- For Bulbul Devi, who works at Jeevika Ki Rasoi - a canteen run by Jeevika Didis in Tarapur, from where Bihar's deputy chief minister Samrat Chowdhary won - the Nitish Kumar government's support has been crucial in providing her with a livelihood. She belongs to the Tanti Samaaj, one of the approximately 112 Extremely Backward Class (EBCs) castes that account for 36% of the State's population as per the caste census conducted in 2022 and the report released in 2023. Nearly 10% of Muslims are identified as EBCs, meaning Hindu EBCs account for 26%. This is the biggest voting bloc in Bihar. A few months before the polls, a Pan Samaaj leader, IP Gupta, held a meeting at Tarapur and warned the EBCs that they would be shifted to the Other Backward Class (OBC) category. The Tanti Samaaj immediately clarified their position. This did not deter the EBCs from staying loyal to Nitish Kumar. "There is no fear now. We live a life of dignity," said Kaushalendra, a night guard. Kaushalendra and Bulbul Devi are both from the EBC, a diverse group of castes comprising 36% of the State's population, as per the caste count in Bihar. This grouping is entirely Bihar chief minister and Janata Dal (United) leader Nitish Kumar's creation, ostensibly aimed at ensuring better reach of welfare policies. This classification is based on a reservation policy of 1978 implemented by Karpoori Thakur. In the last two decades that Kumar has been in power, the economic condition of EBCs has not significantly improved. Yet their electoral choice remains unchanged. Both have voted for the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in previous elections and continued to do so in 2025 as well. Their choices are shaped partly by an aversion to the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and partly by loyalty to Kumar. Kumar's success lies in a rare blend of social engineering - uniting EBCs, Mahadalits, and non-Yadav OBCs - and deep goodwill among women, who have backed him for two decades. No matter how seat tallies shift, Nitish invariably holds the keys to power. The opposition Mahagathbandhan attempted to reach out to the EBCs. The alliance released a 10-point 'Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp', promising several benefits to EBCs, including the passage of an 'EBC Atrocities Prevention Act'. Modelled on the SC/ST Act, it seeks to "end discrimination and violence against EBCs". It also proposed enhancing reservation for EBC communities from 20% to 30% in panchayats and municipal bodies, and creating a separate quota for them in educational institutions and government contracts. The Grand Alliance also tried to counter the NDA by declaring Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) founder Mukesh Sahani as its deputy chief ministerial candidate. The example of the Nishad community illustrates the potential of political mobilisation through numerical consolidation. The Nishad community was formed by bringing together around 22 castes among the EBCs (such as the Mallah, Noniya, Bind, and Kevat jatis), bringing their combined numbers to about 9.8% of the State's population, according to the 2022 caste survey. However, the strategy did not meet expectations, as polling trends suggested Sahani's party was trailing on all 15 seats it contested. Barring a few cases such as Kalyanpur, where some EBCs did not vote for the NDA, EBCs largely stood solidly behind the alliance. "All people cutting across caste lines voted for us. The EBCs, which are a prominent force in nearly 110 Assembly seats out of 243, stood behind us," BJP leader Vinod Tawde said....