India, Nov. 5 -- In a remarkably short time, political strategist Prashant Kishor has managed to reshape Bihar's political conversation and capture public imagination. Some now ask whether this is Bihar's "Kejriwal moment"- the stirrings of a new, assertive middle-class looking for an alternative politics. Yet Bihar's politics resists quick conclusions. Beneath the excitement on the surface lies a dense web of caste loyalties, regional identities, class inequalities, and historical continuities. What appears to be a wave may actually be a symptom of deeper social unrest. Bihar remains a classic case of what scholars call a "frozen transition"- a prolonged and incomplete shift from feudalism to capitalism. The transition began decades ago but never reached maturity. The result is a strange coexistence of old hierarchies and modern aspirations that defines both the economy and politics of the state. Politically, primordial loyalties continue to dominate. In the absence of a robust capitalist class, community elites act as brokers between the State and the people. Access to welfare, employment, and basic services depends less on citizenship and more on personal networks. Many of these intermediaries emerged from modest backgrounds, propelled into politics through community mobilisation rather than institutional competence. Once in power, however, they often succumbed to corruption and patronage, blurring the line between public service and private gain. Over time, the trust between leaders and their constituents has weakened, replaced by manipulation through money, muscle, and symbolism. The economy reflects this paralysis. Investment remains scarce, industries stay away, and Bihar has become a development black hole - resources flow in, but growth rarely follows. In the social sphere, Bihar is witnessing waves of neo-conservatism. Every difference - caste, religion, gender, or region - can become a flashpoint for political mobilisation. Issues like unemployment, underdevelopment, and domestic violence remain central to daily life but are continually overshadowed by identity politics. Political narratives deepen old divisions. Hierarchies reinvent themselves under new slogans, blocking the rise of a truly transformative social imagination. Bihar's society, much like its economy, remains trapped between old worlds and unrealised futures. In the past two decades, the state government has channelled enormous funds into welfare schemes and subsidies - partly to meet development goals, partly as populist giveaways. In theory, these investments should have sparked a structural transformation. On the ground, however, 60-70% of the funds are believed to have been siphoned off by a nexus of politicians, bureaucrats, and contractors. The expectation that some of this capital would circulate locally to stimulate enterprise hasn't been realised. Those who accumulated wealth often parked it in real estate in metros rather than in productive ventures within Bihar. This drain of resources has further eroded the economy. Instead of breaking the cycle of underdevelopment, the inflow of money has ironically reinforced it. Still, one notable change is visible. The money that did reach the ground - combined with remittances from migrants - has given the poor a little breathing space. Out of this has emerged a new aspirational class: not yet middle class, but eager to join it. They represent a generation that values education, mobility, and dignity, even if the pathways to these remain uncertain. This restlessness signals a society in motion, still searching for its political voice. Kishor's effort to organise this energy under the banner of his Jan Suraaj Party is part of this larger flux. Whether he can turn it into a coherent political movement is an open question. His limitations are evident. Though he has moved from being a professional election strategist to presenting himself as a political leader, his earlier image - of someone skilled in managing voter behaviour rather than nurturing democratic participation - lingers on. His blunt style, often bordering on arrogance in public interactions, alienates potential allies. Despite invoking Gandhi's moral vocabulary, his organisational structure lacks the participatory spirit of a genuine movement. Yet his strengths are undeniable: stamina, strategic clarity, and the ability to place governance back at the centre of Bihar's public debate. Still, it would be mistaken to treat this churn as Kishor's creation alone. He is merely the visible face of a deeper structural transformation - a phenomenon driven by economic shifts, migration, education, and digital exposure. Many others, less visible, are shaping this moment from below. Bihar's story cannot be captured through statistics or campaign slogans. It demands a long historical lens. The state stands at a critical juncture: If the ongoing churn translates into a collective demand for ethical and developmental politics, the frozen transition could finally begin to thaw. But if this moment of possibility slips away, Bihar risks another descent into despair - another chapter in its long, unfinished journey between a feudal past and a modern future....